A Black Universalist in the 1830s

One of the best things about being part of a typical UU congregation is that you get to hear other people’s stories. If you join a men’s group or women’s group, if you become a Sunday school teacher, if you simply open yourself to others during social hour, you will hear people’s stories: “When I first met my life partner…” someone will say; or, “When I was in eighth grade…”; or, “When I lived in Virginia….” So begin the little stories about someone else’s life.

No one is going to publish a big fat biography of an ordinary person’s life. Usually, the only time we get to hear the story of someone’s whole life is after they die, at their memorial service. Mostly we hear little pieces of other people’s lives; but if you listen long enough, over the course of years, you will hear enough to piece together — not a biography, but a sort of patchwork quilt of that person’s life.

We can also piece together something of the lives of ordinary people of the past: people who are not powerful, famous, male, white, and highly educated all at the same time. With such ordinary people, we mostly can know only pieces of their stories. But we can fill in the holes between the pieces with questions, and stitch it together, like a quilt, into a whole.

This, then, the story of Nathan Johnson, a Black Universalist who lived from 1795 to 1880.

About Nathan Johnson’s early life, we can only ask questions. Who were his parents? Was he born free, or did he emancipate himself from slavery? How did he learn to read? How did he get to the north? He was born about 1795, perhaps in Virginia; [1] or perhaps in Philadelphia, either enslaved or free. [2] The first real fact we know about Nathan Johnson’s life is in 1819, when he was in his twenties, he got married in New Bedford, Massachusetts.

New Bedford in that time was a city with a surprisingly enlightened racial outlook. The Quaker residents of the city had been helping enslaved persons run to freedom since at least the 1790s. [3] The city was a terminus for the Underground Railroad. And in New Bedford, a person of color could do quite well financially: by about 1800, one black man, Paul Cuffee, of African and Wampanoag descent, had amassed a small fortune through shipping and international trade. [4]

Nathan Johnson married Mary Mingo, a free black woman born nearby, in New Bedford on October 24, 1819. Mary, better known as Polly, was ten years older than Nathan, and had been married once before. [5] She had at least two children from her first marriage: Rhoda who was an infant, and Mahala, who about seven years old in 1819. [6]

After their marriage, Polly and Nathan worked as domestic servants for Charles W. Morgan, a young man who had come from Philadelphia to marry the daughter of a wealthy ship owner; perhaps Nathan even came north with Morgan. [7] As was true of many Quakers and ex-Quakers, Morgan was probably involved with the Underground Railroad.

When they began working for the Morgans, Nathan was about twenty-six years old, and Polly thirty-six. What was it like for Polly and Nathan to live and work as domestic servants in the house of a wealthy newly-married white couple? How did Polly take care of her own children, a baby and school-aged child, while also attending to her duties as a domestic? What were their day-to-day lives like? As is so often true of the lives of ordinary people, we know little of their daily life.

We do know something of their religious lives. Polly became a member of First Baptist Church in 1820, a church with a white minister. [8] Presumably Rhoda and Mahala went to church with their mother.

But not Nathan. In February, 1822, he asked to be admitted into membership of New Bedford Friends Meeting, the Quaker congregation. His employer, Charles Morgan, described the scene in a letter: “… my black man Nathan sat during [meeting for] business and towards the close, rose & informed the meeting that he had no wish to intrude, but believed it his duty to become a member of that Society … speaking very well & properly, the request received due notice, and is under care of overseers. I was entirely ignorant of his views or intentions — though he is quite plain & has been very exemplary in every respect for a long time … Frank says they will have a new light in a dark lantern — So, I have no doubt others suspect, from his location in my family — but I know nothing of his sentiments.” [9] I have to explain this last part: when Charles Morgan says “new light in a dark lantern,” he is referring to a brewing controversy among New England Quakers between the Old Lights or more conservative Quakers, and the New Lights or liberal faction which included Morgan and his family.

Morgan’s letter tells us that Nathan was well-spoken and articulate; and that he had been attending Quaker meeting long enough to know the ways of the Quakers. It sound like he wore the characteristic plain dress of the Quakers. Finally, we learn that Nathan probably counted himself a part of the faction of religious liberals. For some reason, Nathan was not allowed to join New Bedford Friends Meeting, perhaps because he was black, or because the conservatives didn’t want to let another liberal in. Or it may be that he was already engaging violent anti-slavery activities, in opposition to Quaker pacifism. [10]

It seems unlikely that Nathan continued worshipping with the Quakers for much longer. By about 1824, Charles W. Morgan had joined the Unitarian church in New Bedford, and perhaps Nathan followed his employer to that church. This Unitarian congregation had had a black member as early as 1785. [11] But by 1824, the Unitarians were no longer welcoming towards African Americans: although there were abolitionists in the pews, the congregation was not racially egalitarian. [12]

In this same year, 1822, Nathan first became active in antislavery efforts. [13] In November, he attended a trial where a white slave catcher from the South was trying to prove that a black man was an escaped slave. Nathan saw how the anti-slavery activists protected the rights of the black man: “A person stood behind [the slave catcher] with a heavy pair of tongs in his hand ready to brain him” should he try to abscond with the black man. [14] From this time on, Nathan allied himself with the more active antislavery activists.

By the time Nathan was in his early twenties, he and Polly were doing well financially. In 1826, purchased a house at 21 Seventh St. in New Bedford; presumably they left Charles Morgan’s house, to finally live in a house of their own. By 1828, they owned the land next door at 17-19 Seventh St., on which sat the old Quaker meetinghouse, and the first antislavery lecture in the city of New Bedford was given there in that year. They also purchased the land on the other side, at 23 Seventh St., and it was there that Polly opened her confectionary shop. [15] They kept diversifying their business interests; by 1829, Nathan was running a bathing house on William Street; and the couple rented out apartments as well. [16]

In his prosperity, Nathan was also becoming more radical. In April, 1827, he was accused, along with several other men, of entering a house at night, and severely beating a person of color named John Howard, who was visiting New Bedford. At Nathan’s trial, no one would testify against him, so the charges were dropped. The white abolitionist Samuel Rodman told his diary what was really going on: John Howard was hardly an innocent victim, but rather someone who had come to New Bedford “to get information of run-away slaves.” [17] Nathan had come far from Quaker pacifism. By 1833, Nathan had become a Universalist, who met in the old Quaker meetinghouse, which he now owned; the New Bedford Universalists at that time were mostly radical anti-slavery activists. [18]

At the 1830 U.S. census, Nathan, Polly, and Polly’s daughters Rhoda and Mahala were the only ones living in their house. [19] For Nathan and Polly had no surviving children of their own. Did Nathan regret not having children of his own? What sort of relationship did he have with Rhoda and Mahala? — he would have been the only father Rhoda ever knew, but what about Mahala? Once again, we have no answers to the most important questions.

Though we know so little of Nathan’s family life, we know more about the confectionary business. In July, 1830, the Johnsons had an advertisement in the newspaper for their business as traders and confectioners. The ad told what they offered for sale: “Fresh Bordeaux Almonds; superior (French) Olives, Olive Oil, Prunes, Cocoa Nuts, Oranges, Lemons, Lemon Syrup, shelled Almonds, Spices, &c. &c. Confects, Jellies, Ice Cream, Cake, Candies, &c. as usual. Refreshments served up in the best manner, and charges moderate.” [19.1]

The wealthiest families in the city — and at this time, New Bedford was the richest city in America — purchased sweets from the Johnsons. Polly was rumored to have learned some of her cooking secrets in France, and charged accordingly. Her ice cream molds alone were worth two dollars each — at $45 each in today’s dollars, that was expensive ice cream! [20] For his part, Nathan carried on an international trade in sweets and nuts to supply the business.

We get a snapshot of what Nathan was like in 1837, when he was about 42, from Debra Weston, a white abolitionist. She wrote in a letter about how she went “up to Nathan’s to get some free-labour candy” (i.e., candy that had been made by free black workers, as opposed to slaves). She talked with him about an anti-slavery meeting he had attended with a wealthy white anti-slavery activist, and reported: “I had a real powwow with [Nathan] & he said that both [he] & Mr. Robeson thought it was the best meeting they ever attended. Mr. Bent thinks Nathan takes great airs upon himself, for he & his wife went [to the meeting] in a carriage.” [23] [21]

Even with so little knowledge about his personal life, we continue to find evidence of his social justice activities. From 1832 through 1835, Nathan attended the 2nd through 5th Conventions for the Improvement of Free People of Color; he was elected president of the 5th convention. [21.1] We can see that he was committed enough to attend this conference year after year; he was well-off enough to afford to do so; and he was well-regarded enough that he was elected president of the convention.

It was during the years 1833 to 1835 that Nathan probably rented the old Quaker meetinghouse, which he now owned, to the Universalists while they were building their own church. By this time, Johnson was a Universalist. [21.2]

And then, in September, 1838, came a most momentous occasion, though probably Nathan and Polly Johnson didn’t realize it at the time. Some white anti-slavery activists brought a young couple who had escaped from slavery to the Johnsons. [22] The man was named Frederick Johnson, but because there were so many Johnsons in New Bedford, Nathan suggested this man change his name to Douglass:

“Mine host, unwilling to have another of his own name added to the community in this unauthorized way, after I spent a night and by day at his house, gave me my present name. He had been reading the ‘Lady of the Lake,’ and was pleased to regard me as a suitable person to wear this, one of Scotland’s many famous names. Considering the noble hospitality and manly character of Nathan Johnson, I have felt that he, better than I, illustrated the virtues of the great Scottish chief. Sure I am, that had any slave-catcher entered his domicile, with a view to molest any one of his household, he would have shown himself like him of the ‘stalwart hand.’” [23]

Yes, the famous Frederick Douglass got his new name from a Nathan Johnson, a black Universalist!

Frederick Douglass later described his new friend thus: “I will venture to assert that my friend Mr. Nathan Johnson … lived in a neater house; dined at a better table; took, paid for, and read, more newspapers; better understood the moral, religious, and political character of the nation,– than nine tenths of the slaveholders in Talbot county, Maryland.” [24]

At some point, Nathan brought Frederick to the Universalist church. One day, Rev. John Murray Spear, the white minister and radical abolitionist at the Universalist church, discovered Douglass debating the doctrine of universal salvation in the church building; Douglass, I am sorry to say, argued for the existence of eternal damnation. [25] But Spear saw that this young man had exceptional rhetorical ability, and was one of those who encouraged Douglass to become a public speaker. [26]

It should be noted that few Universalist churches were as egalitarian and racially tolerant as the one in New Bedford. Indeed, the New Bedford Universalists sometimes became frustrated with their co-religionists. When the Universalist Anti-Slavery Convention, of which they were founding members, proceeded more slowly than they liked, they shrewdly invited Frederick Douglass to accompany them to a meeting of the convention in the fall of 1841, and Douglass’s oratory convinced the delegates to censure the Southern Universalist churches that supported slavery. [27]

In 1839, Nathan and Polly Johnson took two young black girls, and their mother, into their home. The father was a white man named Patrick Gibson, born in Scotland but who at that time owned a plantation in Georgia, and had taken Betsy, one of his slaves, as his wife. Apparently he cared enough for his wife and children to get them out of Georgia, and to pay the Johnsons to feed and house them, and to educate the children. However, when Gibson died, it turned out that he had not freed them as he had claimed, and Nathan got into some trouble trying to help Betsy and her children figure out what to do. Eventually, she fled with her children to England. During this whole affair, white anti-slavery activists did not trust Nathan’s motives, and they spent three months investigating his actions before finally clearing him of all wrongdoing; apparently, they could not fully trust a black man to do the right thing. But the breach was quickly repaired; a few months later, Nathan was elected vice-president of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society Convention in Worcester. [27.1]

In 1841, John Murray Spear resigned as the minister of the Universalist church, because the congregation was unable to pay his salary [28]. The congregation’s poor financial situation was probably due in part to the Panic of 1837, a serious recession that lasted through the 1840s. Nathan and Polly’s financial situation also grew slowly worse through the 1840s. By the late 1840s, they were in debt to creditors. [29]

There is no way to know exactly how their worsening financial situation affected Nathan and Polly. According to the 1840 U.S. Census, there were ten people living in the Johnson household in that year. These ten people probably included Betsy Gibson and her daughters, as well as Polly’s daughter Mahala, then twenty-eight, and at least some of Mahala’s children. [29.1] This is one way people cope with difficult financial times: more people live together in the same house. And from 1847 through 1848, the economy got even worse, in what is sometimes called the Panic of 1847.

In the midst of this ongoing financial malaise, gold was discovered in California. In the Dec. 21, 1848, issue of the New Bedford Mercury, an article appeared that must have electrified the African American community of New Bedford, telling how an African American had become rich in the gold fields of California. [30] Nathan Johnson joined a mining company, the Belle Company of New Bedford, left New Bedford on April 3, 1849, and arrived in San Francisco on September 27. [31]

While Nathan undoubtedly left New Bedford pressured by debt and hoping to improve his financial situation, he was not completely indigent. He was not one of the African Americans who got to the gold fields by signing on as crew members of a whaling ship, then jumping ship in San Francisco. [31.1] When he went to California, Nathan left Polly in control of real estate valued at $15,500, and personal property valued at $3,200; [32] for a total value of $540,000 in today’s dollars. Yet in another three years, Johnson was declared insolvent, and Polly had to sell their house to a white anti-slavery activist.

I have been unable to find any record of what Nathan did while in California, or where he lived and worked. [33] One place he might have lived early on is along the Yuba River, in a racially mixed community of men called “Negro Bar”; many of those men were from New Bedford. [34] But that is just a conjecture.

Wherever he lived and whatever he did, he apparently did nothing to better his financial situation. But if he wasn’t making money, why did he stay in California? Perhaps, if he was indeed a self-emancipated slave, after the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law in 1850 California was safer for him than Massachusetts. [35] Perhaps he was one of the many men who did not succeed as miners, and became financially destitute; the meager evidence we have points to this as a likely possibility. [36]

Did Nathan join any church while he was in California? By this time, Nathan had become a spiritualist [37]; perhaps because so many spiritualists were anti-slavery activists. [38] In any case, there were no Universalist churches in California when he first arrived, and only one short-lived Universalist church in northern California during the 1850s.

Meanwhile, back in New Bedford, Polly continued working as a confectioner. She made enough money without any help from Nathan to get her house back by 1859; she paid off that mortgage by 1870. [39] When Polly died on November 19, 1871, she was about 87 years old. She left her house at 21 Seventh St., and the store next door at 23 Seventh St., to her daughter Rhoda. She left the old Friends Meetinghouse, the building that Nathan had let the Universalists use for a church from 1833 to 1835, to her granddaughter Mary. And she left “a maintenance,” or pension, from her estate to Nathan, provided he came back to New Bedford, and provided he did so within two years of the date of her death. Perhaps she also left money to pay for his passage home. And so Nathan returned to New Bedford in early 1873. [40]

Nathan was about 78 years old when he finally returned to New Bedford, having lived in California for more than 23 years. What made him finally return? Was the modest pension enough to bring him back? Or perhaps the thought of seeing his step-daughters and step-grandchildren? Had he finally forgotten the shame of his financial ruin? There is no way to know for sure.

When he returned to New Bedford, he lived in the basement of his old house, while Rhoda and her family lived upstairs. Rhoda died before her stepfather, in 1878, leaving the property to her sister Mahala. The estate was still in probate, and Nathan was still living in the basement of his old house, when he died. He died on November 11, 1880, and is buried in New Bedford. [41]

There you have it: a brief portrait of the life of an ordinary person. Born in obscurity, married as a young man, he helped his wife raise two daughters. He became financially successful, but at age 54, faced with mounting debt, he had to begin again, making a five month voyage in a wooden ship around Cape Horn in the dead of the southern hemisphere winter, to join the California Gold Rush. He didn’t make his fortune on the gold fields, but nevertheless he stayed in California for 23 years, until he was 78. He finally returned home to live out the last few years of his life in a basement apartment.

The only reason we know anything about Nathan Johnson is because he and his wife Polly happened to befriend Frederick Douglass at the end of his journey on the Underground Railroad. This is often the fate of ordinary people: we only know about them when they brush up against someone famous. But isn’t Nathan Johnson worthy of our attention, even though he was ordinary? Ordinary people are equally human as great people; the old-time Universalists would say: we are all equally worthy of God’s love. And this is why ordinary people like Nathan Johnson fight so hard at great personal cost for true equality — for the anti-slavery movement then and Black Lives Matter now — because we are all equally worthy of love.

I’ll leave you with Nathan Johnson’s own words. There is at least one surviving letter from him, addressed to abolitionist Maria Weston Chapman, in which he tells Chapman that he supports the anti-slavery periodical called “The Liberty Bell,” [42] and then he says:

“I hope its notes may sound till all the People are roused, and gathered in their might, to Battle for Liberty.”


Originally preached as a sermon at the Unitarian Universalist Church of Palo Alto, California, on Sunday, February 14, 2016. This essay is an expanded version of the sermon, including additional details about Nathan Johnson’s life.

1. Earl F. Mulderink, “‘The Whole Town Is Ringing with It’: Slave Kidnapping Charges against Nathan Johnson of New Bedford, Massachusetts,” The New England Quarterly, vol. 61, no. 3 (Sep., 1988), p. 343.

2. Kathryn Grover, The Fugitive’s Gibraltar: Escaping Slaves and Abolitionism in New Bedford, Massachusetts (Amherst, Mass.: University of Massachusetts Press, 2001), p. 94.

3. Kathryn Grover, “Fugitive Slave Trade and the Maritime World of New Bedford” (National Park Service, New Bedford Whaling National Historical Park, 1998), pp. 6-7.

4. Robert C. Hayden, African Americans and Cape Verdean Americans in New Bedford: A History of Community and Achievement (Boston: Select Publications, 1993), p. 67.

5. New Bedford Historical Society Web site, ”Mary J. ‘Polly’ Johnson,”
http://nbhistoricalsociety.org/Important-Figures/mary-j-polly-johnson/ accessed Feb. 12, 2016.

Also: Mulderink, p. 343; Grover, Fugitive’s Gibraltar, p. 94.
6. Kathryn Grover and Carl J. Cruz, “A haven for all in need,” New Bedford Standard Times, Feb. 27, 2000.

7. Grover, Fugitive’s Gibraltar, p. 94.

8. Mulderink, p. 352.

9. Letter quoted in Grover, Fugitive’s Gibraltar, p. 102.

10. Graham Russell Gao Hodges makes this assertion: “At one point, he asked to join the local Quaker meeting and received careful consideration, but his street rowdiness surely disqualified him”; in David Ruggles: A Radical Black Abolitionist and the Underground Railroad in New York City (University of North Carolina Press, 2010), p. 30.

However, I can find no record of Nathan Johnson’s involvement in more violent anti-slavery activities prior to late 1822, after he would have been rejected by the Friends Meeting as a member.

11. Dan Harper, Liberal Pilgrims: Varieties of Liberal Religious Experience in New Bedford, Massachusetts (New Bedford: Fish Island Books, 2009), p. 56.

12. Harper, p. 75

13. Hodges, p. 30.

14. Grover, Fugitive’s Gibraltar, p. 94.

15. Grover and Cruz.

16. Grover, Fugitive’s Gibraltar, p. 112.

17. Rodman’s diary is quoted in Grover, Fugitive’s Gibraltar, p. 112.

18. Grover and Cruz.

The extant records of the old Universalist church do not mention Johnson’s name. See: bMS 214 in the Manuscript Collection at Andover-Harvard Library.

The records that do exist from the 1830s are those of the business side of the congregation, called the “society,” which in those days was separate from the religious side of the congregation, called the “church.” It is possible that Nathan was a member of the church but not the society, but the written records of the church (if indeed they were ever kept in writing) no longer exist.

John Buescher points out that “the constitution of the church … had no exclusionary provision.” John B. Beuscher, The Remarkable Life of John Murray Spear, Agitator for the Spirit Land, Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 2006, p. 22. The congregation’s constitution may be found in: Record book of the Universalist Society, bMS 214/1 (2), Andover-Harvard Theological Library.

At the same time, the white New Bedford Universalists who controlled the congregation still harbored racial prejudice. In January, 1837, the society voted “that no transfer of pews shall be made to persons of color” (Record book of the Universalist Society, bMS 214/1 (3), Andover-Harvard Theological Library). Perhaps Nathan Johnson already owned a pew at that time; whether or not he did, after that date, no other person of color could purchase a pew.

19. Grover and Cruz.

19.1. Advertisement in the New Bedford Mercury, July 9, 1830; quoted in Grover, Fugitive’s Gibraltar, p. 112.

20. New Bedford Historical Society Web site, “Mary ‘Polly’ Johnson.”

For more information about ice cream molds, see the entry on “Ice Cream Molds” in Andrew F. Smith, ed., The Oxfod Companion to American Food and Drink (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 314: “A bowl heaped with ice cream was enough to dazzle dinner guests in early eighteenth century America. But once the novelty of having ice cream wore off, American cooks began to emulate Europeans by sending ice cream to the table” molded in elaborate shapes.

21. Grover, Fugitive’s Gibraltar, p. 138.

21.1. Grover, Fugitive’s Gibraltar, p. 134.

21.2. Grover and Cruz.

The extant records of the old Universalist church do not mention Johnson’s name. See: bMS 214 in the Manuscript Collection at Andover-Harvard Library.

The records that do exist from the 1830s are those of the business side of the congregation, called the “society,” which in those days was separate from the religious side of the congregation, called the “church.” It is possible that Nathan was a member of the church but not the society, but the written records of the church (if indeed they were ever kept in writing) no longer exist.

John Beuscher, in his biography of John Murray Spear, points out that “the constitution of the church … had no exclusionary provision.” (Buescher, p. 22; the constitution is in: Record book of the Universalist Society, bMS 214/1 (2), Andover-Harvard Theological Library).

At the same time, the white New Bedford Universalists who controlled the congregation still harbored racial prejudice. In January, 1837, the society voted “that no transfer of pews shall be made to persons of color” (Record book of the Universalist Society, bMS 214/1 (3), Andover-Harvard Theological Library). Perhaps Nathan Johnson already owned a pew at that time; whether or not he did, after that date, no other person of color could purchase a pew.

22. Grover and Cruz.

23. Frederick Douglass, My Bondage and Freedom (New York: Miller, Orton, and Mulligan, 1855), p. 343.

24. Frederick Douglass, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass An American Slave (Boston: Anti-Slavery Office, 1849), pp. 114-115.

25. However, for an account of how Douglass’s theological views liberalized to the point of a humanistic theology, see William L. vanDeBurg, “Frederick Douglass,” in Anthony Pinn, editor, By These Hands: A Documentary History of African American Humanism (New York: New York University Press, 2001), pp. 89 ff. (Among other liberalizing influences: Douglass went to hear Unitarian minister Theodore Parker preach in 1854.) By 1870, Douglass was espousing a doctrine that placed ultimate responsibility for ending slavery and racism on humankind, rather than relying on God to intervene. For this, Douglass was accused of apostasy; one clergyman wrote, “We love Frederick Douglass, but we love God more.”

26. Beuscher, p. 171.

27. Russell E. Miller, The Larger Hope: The First Century of the Universalist Church in America, 1770-1870 (Boston: Unitarian Universalist Association, 1979), pp. 592-595.

27.1. The entire story is told in Mulderink, pp. 341-357.

28. Harper, p. 12.

29. Grover, Fugitive’s Gibraltar, p. 209.

29.1. Grover and Cruz.

30. “On a September day in 1848 a black man was walking near the San Francisco docks, when a white man who had just disembarked from a ship called to him to carry his luggage. The black cast him an indignant glance and walked away. After he had gone a few steps, he turned around and, drawing a small bag from his bosom, he said, ‘Do you think I’ll lug trunks when I can get that much in one day?’ The sack of gold that he displayed was estimated by the white man to be worth more than one hundred dollars.” Rudolph M. Lapp, Blacks in Gold Rush California (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1977), p. 12.

31. Passenger lists from the New York Herald of April 7, 1849, excerpted on “California Bound SF Genealogy” Web site, http://www.sfgenealogy.com/californiabound/cb092.htm accessed Feb. 12, 2016.

Nathan Johnson is also listed as a passenger aboard the ship America from New Bedford, Mass., departed April 3, 1849, Charles Warren Haskins, The Argonauts of California (New York: Fords, Howard & Hulbert, 1890), pp. 468-469. Haskins lists 35,000 people who were “the first to venture forth in the search for gold.”

For more about the voyage of the ship America, see the Sea Captains — Ship Passengers: The Maritime Heritage Project Web site, “San Francisco 1800-1899, Charles P. Seabury,” http://www.maritimeheritage.org/captains/seaburyCharles.html accessed Feb. 12, 2016. The ship made stops at St. Catherine’s Island, Georgia, May 17-June 3, and Callao, Peru, August 5-8. This Web site states that the log book for this voyage is now in the New Bedford Whaling Museum. The log book takes note that a black preacher was on board who led services on April 8, and that many of those attending the service were also black.

31.1. Lapp, p. 18.

32. Mulderink, p. 357; Grover, Fugitive’s Gibraltar, p. 135.

33. Nathan Johnson is not mentioned in Delilah L. Beasley, The Negro Trail Blazers of California: A Compilation of Records from the California Archives (Los Angeles: 1919). But it is not out of the question that documentary sources on Johnson’s stay in California may someday be found.
34. “In one community of the Yuba River, known at times as ‘Negro Bar’ and at other times as ‘Union Bar,’ several of the members, both black and white, were from New Bedford. There were about thirty whites and ten Negroes in this community, according to William F. Terry, a New Bedford white man who kept a diary.” Lapp, p. 61.

The 72-page William F. Terry diary is in the Bancroft Library at U.C. Berkeley (call number BANC MSS C-F 217); perhaps an interested scholar will read it to see if it mentions Nathan Johnson.

35. “By 1851 the panic over hunters of fugitive slaves reached Massachusetts and the New Bedford Mercury [March 18, 1851] openly advised its black readers to consider California as a place of refuge.” Lapp, p. 19.

36. For one possibility, we can turn to the downward trajectory described by Mark Twain, once a white man lost his job in San Francisco in the 1860s: “After losing his [job], he had gone down, down, down, with never a halt: from a boarding house on Russian Hill to a boarding house in Kearney street; from thence to Dupont; from thence to a low sailor den; and from thence to lodgings in goods boxes and empty hogsheads near the wharves. Then, for a while, he had gained a meagre living by sewing up bursted sacks of grain on the piers; when that failed he found food here and there as chance threw it in his way.” Mark Twain, Roughing It (New York: Hippocrene Books; replica edition of the first edition: Hartford, Conn.: American Publishing Co., 1872), p. 430.

37. Grover, Fugitive’s Gibraltar, p. 282.

38. In mid-twentieth century study, G. K. Nelson asserts: “Spiritualism was associated with the Anti-slavery movement.” G. K. Nelson, Spiritualism and Society (Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1969), p. 26.

For a more extended argument on the relationship between spiritualism and various reform movements including the anti-slavery movement, see John Buescher, The Other Side of Salvation: Spiritualism and the Nineteenth-century Religious Experience (Boston: Skinner House, 2004).

Spiritualists themselves claimed most of them supported the anti-slavery movement: “It is patent to every American Spiritualist that the great majority of the believers, save and except the residents of the Gulf States, were more or less in favor of anti-slavery.” Emma Hardinge, Modern American Spiritualism: A Twenty Years‘ Record of the Communion Between Earth and the World of Spirits (New York: the author, 1872), p. 460.

39. Grover and Cruz.

40. Ibid.

41. Grover and Cruz; Mulderink, p. 357.

Grover, Fugitive’s Gibraltar, shows Nathan Johnson’s gravestone in Oak Grove cemetery, p. 282; the epitaph reads, “Freedom for all mankind.”

42. The letter, dated November 14, 1844, is in the Boston Library Rare Books Collection, and is quoted in Mulderink, pp. 356-357.

3 thoughts on “A Black Universalist in the 1830s”

  1. Three thoughts. First they might have had children but none that survived or were alive at the time of the census. Second where was the confectionery trade getting their sugar? Was “free-labour candy” candy directly made by free-labour or did it mean the sugar used was produced by free labour (abolition in Jamaica and the other British West Indies started in 1834 though there was an intermediate phase which meant not every slave was fully free until 1838 but sugar could also be gotten from other sources). Third I suspect the expensive molded ice creams were fairly large meant to be a centerpiece on a table at a major function so pricey but not outlandishly so (much like an elaborate cake nowadays). The site http://www.historicfood.com/ices.htm seems to have some interesting recreated examples.

  2. Erp, good point about the children, and I’ve corrected the text above to say “no surviving children.”

    Thanks also for the pointer to ice cream molds, and I’ve corrected the text above, removing the wording “per serving”; I’ve also added an explanation in the footnote. I have to say that even for a centerpiece, $45 for ice cream seems outrageously expensive to me, but then I’m not as wealthy as the Charles W. Morgan family (and I say, Good for Polly for charging what the market would bear!).

    As for free-labor candy and the source of sugar, I am relying on the explanation in The Fugitive’s Gibraltar, which I paraphrase in the text. Your question is definitely worthy of research, but it’s far enough outside my area of expertise that I’m not sure I’m the one to take it on.

  3. For the free-labour I was recalling the sugar boycott used, at least in the UK, to protest the slave-trade and slavery, and, I’m assuming that anti-slavery people in New Bedford would also be boycotting slave sugar.

    I also found the term ‘free labour sugar’ used in parliamentary debates from that time-frame. It also gets discussed in such works as Harriet Martineau’s “The martyr age of the United States” (1839, page 20 footnote)

    “One little girl of seven years old, an only child, happened to hear some body say to her father, that those who consumed slave products, during the present crisis, were partly answerable for the sufferings of the negroes. This sank into her mind. Some time after, her mother saw the tears stealing down her face. On being spoken to, she threw her arms round her mother’s neck, and whispered, that she meant never again to eat cake, or sweetmeats, or sugar in any form. She was left entirely to her own feelings on the matter, her parents only taking care to provide her with what they can get of free-labor sugar. Under every conceivable circumstance of temptation, away from home, and among her little companions, this young creature has remained faithful to her spontaneous resolution.”

    I’ll note that most candy was likely made locally from imported sugar though given that Connecticut apparently still had 54 slaves in the 1840 census the free-labour requirement might have been needed for both the sugar and the final product.

    Ice cream was still a luxury especially in the late summer when the amount of ice stored from the previous winter was getting low though one within the reach of the middle class. I’m also thinking a $45 molded ice cream was likely an elaborate production probably made with different flavors. I note btw that a Baskin Robbins 9″ round celebration party ice cream cake ( serving 12-16) costs $43.

    On a slightly different issue I wonder how much Connecticut’s laws on married women’s property might have affected why Nathan went and stayed in California. A quick check shows that Connecticut didn’t have a full law allowing married women to own separate property until 1877 (though they may have had some earlier laws that gave some protection) which makes me wonder how Polly’s will could be the way it was instead of Nathan as her husband automatically owning the bulk of it. See the article

    The Campaign for Women’s Property Rights: Sarah Banks’s Story
    Christopher Collier
    American Journal of Legal History 2014 54(3)
    apparently describes some of the history in Connecticut

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *